Ramzan Kadyrov, The 'Son King' of Chechnya

The GB Russia society brought Professor John Russell to Pushkin House in London last night to give a talk on the subject of his forthcoming book, Ramzan Kadyrov The ‘Son King of Chechnya’. Professor Russell himself has had a long career connected with the Soviet Union and Russia. He is currently Professor of Russian and Security Studies in the Peace Studies department of the University of Bradford and author of numerous articles and books specifically focusing on Islamic terrorism and Chechnya in particular.
Ramzan Kadyrov is the difficult subject of his current work; the current leader, president and undisputed controller of Chechen territory in Russia. By western and humanitarian standards he is possibly one of the most evil despots alive. He attracts press headlines for his zoo of lions and tigers, his horses, his boxing, for building the largest Mosque in Europe, enforcing Islamic fundamentalism, Sharia law and openly glorified violence. Perhaps the most bizarre episode was his invitation to the Brazilian 1972 world cup winning team to come and play against a Chechen national team, of which he himself was captain. Other more worrying stunts include his trip round the Chechen capital Grozny’s University handing out a hundred dollars to each woman wearing a head scarf and having his people paintball those who were uncovered. Add to this the mounting numbers of corpses, ‘disappeared’, corruption and criminal activity and his reign looks like the violent sinister dictatorship it undoubtedly is.
Kadyrov is by all accounts a talented horseman, breeding and training a stable of fast improving stock which, taking into account his close relationship with Sheikh Mohammed, is likely to see him attempt to compete in high profile European races. The prospect of Kadyrov at Ascot is likely to bring out protestors in their thousands such is his negative profile.
Professor Russell argues however that it is worth considering Kadyrov outside of normal western boundaries. Chechnya is not normal, so neither is he. Fukuyama’s so called End of History has been proved wrong and liberal democracy has not emerged as the dominant ideology and the single fix solution to everything and everywhere. A true functional democracy if applied to Russia, for example, would eventually lead to total disintegration of the federation, no one is more aware of this than President Putin. Kadyrov may have broken all our rules, but they are only our rules. Oppressor, murderer, psycho and dictator he may be, but he has achieved something that others have arguably failed at for centuries in bringing peace and relative stability to troubled Chechnya.
Kadyrov is only 36 years old but he has crammed a lot into that short time. Chechnya has the unenviable status of having fought two wars against the Russians. In the mid 90s they pulled off an unexpected and spectacular win which humiliated the Russians. In the long run, this resulted in Putin, almost within days of becoming Prime Minister of Russia, launching the full scale destruction of Grozny, Chechnya and almost everybody in it. In the first war a 16 year old Kadyrov led a division of separatists. In the second he fought on the side of the Russians. A victorious Putin had his father installed as Chechen Prime Minister in 2000. He lasted only four years before being blown up in a football stadium during a Victory Parade in Grozny. It was rumoured to be the last of up to a dozen attempted assignation attempts. Putin waited until the young Ramzan turned 30 and appointed him President. Since then Grozny has been rebuilt, money has flooded in and the insurgency and Al Qaeda linked training camps crushed. Kadyrov is the now apparently the third most recognised ‘Russian’ leader after Putin and Medvedev. Whilst many would never have heard of him in this country, his relationship with the Saudis, Iranians and other Islamic regimes have made him something of a celebrity. Putin rarely challenges Kadyrov, no other regional governor is afforded the long rope and support he is. Putin’s priority is to have Chechnya, its oil, and its extremists under control and under Russia. In his eyes this is the way to do it.
Indeed, as a strategy it appears to be working and gathering speed. The recent removal of Mikhail Saakashvili from his seat of power in neighbouring Georgia means a thaw in relations as the Pro-Russian Ivanishvili takes control. Radio Free Europe recently reported on the draft Russian ‘Strategy of State Nationalities’ policy, which includes for the consolidation of the North Caucasus republics under the control of Kadyrov, expanding his zone of control widely.
Very little free reporting comes out of Chechnya. Those who do are subject to threats, intimidation and death. The assassinations of Anna Politkovskaya and Natalia Estemirova have been closely linked to the Kadyrov regime. There are rumours of private torture prisons and detention centres. The activities of the Kadyrovtsi, armed gangs of men in silver Zhiguli cars are infamous. They reportedly carry out kidnappings and beatings of the ordinary civilian population to weed out rebels. The numbers of victims is hard to assess but it likely runs into the thousands.
In understanding how Kadyrov operates it is necessary to look at the Clan structure. Chechnya, like Afghanistan and Pakistan is ruled by networks of clan and feudal relationships. There is no history of any unified political structure and legislature, only religious fiefdoms and groupings regulated by Sharia law, armed struggle and blood feuds. Chechnya as a population has undergone a huge demographic change in only a decade. All the Russians have gone, over 400,000 of them, and as a result there is no old world style intelligentsia and no alternative model of leadership. There is only a top down clan structure of control and rule by fear of which Kadyrov is only mimicking.
Psychologically Chechnya sits outside our western norms and understanding. It is a place where people historically claim power in battle and strength is everything. The concept of political manoeuvring does not exist. There is a long standing street culture of survival the fittest. On a simple level consider Putin’s portrayal of himself regularly hunting and wrestling with bears and so on, this makes us laugh in the west, but it means something and strikes a chord with those in Russia. There is no doubt, so far, that Kadyrov is a survivor. His evil charisma both attracts and repels people at the same time, especially Chechen, and often the Russian, increasingly right wing violent youth.
There is also the fear of the past. The wars of the 90s were catastrophic claiming the lives of hundreds of thousands. Families, villages and towns were destroyed; the population starved and tried to survive for years without power, water and basic needs. The world was occupied in the Balkans and elsewhere and the Russians were often careful to report only what they wanted. The BBC’s current Middle East correspondent, Jeremy Bowen described Grozny as the most terrifying place he had ever seen. This is a man that has covered nearly every armed conflict since the late 80s. The early chapters of Asne Seierstad’s, The Angel of Grozny, Inside Chechnya is still, to this day, one of the most difficult books I have ever read. If you survived the Chechnya of 1991 onwards then today must feel like a walk in the park by comparison; there is money, adequate food, infrastructure and education for all (although women might well loose out on that front soon) and no daily massacres. To prevent a return to the bad old days it is perhaps better to submit to the rule of one. Despite his crimes against the people, Kadyrov probably stops short of full Warlord status. He seems, again by his own norms, to appreciate the need to build a state and provide and protect for its people.
The region is currently undergoing massive change, ‘From Terrorism to Tourism’ has been used as an actual slogan for change. The Football World Cup in 2018 and the Socchi Winter Olympics in 2014 are ensuring that billions of investment are reaching the region as well as creating massive numbers of jobs. Again the oil industry has made progress and attracts high revenues.
It is highly unlikely Kadyrov will live to see his 40th birthday. In all probability he does not realise this. He, like all powerful leaders of the past, seems assured of his own invincibility. It is likely though, that President Putin realises otherwise. There are still rebels, those who dislike Karydov’s relationship with Putin who would seek control Chechnya and drive for independence. There is also the drag racing of Lamborghinis, the mafia and the underworld. There is the rampant corruption which, in the words of Professor Russell, makes even Russians eyes water. Odds are one of these will claim him before long, and Chechnya with its rebels, military stocks and extremists could easily return to being ‘the most terrifying place on earth’.
Ramzan Kadyrov is the difficult subject of his current work; the current leader, president and undisputed controller of Chechen territory in Russia. By western and humanitarian standards he is possibly one of the most evil despots alive. He attracts press headlines for his zoo of lions and tigers, his horses, his boxing, for building the largest Mosque in Europe, enforcing Islamic fundamentalism, Sharia law and openly glorified violence. Perhaps the most bizarre episode was his invitation to the Brazilian 1972 world cup winning team to come and play against a Chechen national team, of which he himself was captain. Other more worrying stunts include his trip round the Chechen capital Grozny’s University handing out a hundred dollars to each woman wearing a head scarf and having his people paintball those who were uncovered. Add to this the mounting numbers of corpses, ‘disappeared’, corruption and criminal activity and his reign looks like the violent sinister dictatorship it undoubtedly is.
Kadyrov is by all accounts a talented horseman, breeding and training a stable of fast improving stock which, taking into account his close relationship with Sheikh Mohammed, is likely to see him attempt to compete in high profile European races. The prospect of Kadyrov at Ascot is likely to bring out protestors in their thousands such is his negative profile.
Professor Russell argues however that it is worth considering Kadyrov outside of normal western boundaries. Chechnya is not normal, so neither is he. Fukuyama’s so called End of History has been proved wrong and liberal democracy has not emerged as the dominant ideology and the single fix solution to everything and everywhere. A true functional democracy if applied to Russia, for example, would eventually lead to total disintegration of the federation, no one is more aware of this than President Putin. Kadyrov may have broken all our rules, but they are only our rules. Oppressor, murderer, psycho and dictator he may be, but he has achieved something that others have arguably failed at for centuries in bringing peace and relative stability to troubled Chechnya.
Kadyrov is only 36 years old but he has crammed a lot into that short time. Chechnya has the unenviable status of having fought two wars against the Russians. In the mid 90s they pulled off an unexpected and spectacular win which humiliated the Russians. In the long run, this resulted in Putin, almost within days of becoming Prime Minister of Russia, launching the full scale destruction of Grozny, Chechnya and almost everybody in it. In the first war a 16 year old Kadyrov led a division of separatists. In the second he fought on the side of the Russians. A victorious Putin had his father installed as Chechen Prime Minister in 2000. He lasted only four years before being blown up in a football stadium during a Victory Parade in Grozny. It was rumoured to be the last of up to a dozen attempted assignation attempts. Putin waited until the young Ramzan turned 30 and appointed him President. Since then Grozny has been rebuilt, money has flooded in and the insurgency and Al Qaeda linked training camps crushed. Kadyrov is the now apparently the third most recognised ‘Russian’ leader after Putin and Medvedev. Whilst many would never have heard of him in this country, his relationship with the Saudis, Iranians and other Islamic regimes have made him something of a celebrity. Putin rarely challenges Kadyrov, no other regional governor is afforded the long rope and support he is. Putin’s priority is to have Chechnya, its oil, and its extremists under control and under Russia. In his eyes this is the way to do it.
Indeed, as a strategy it appears to be working and gathering speed. The recent removal of Mikhail Saakashvili from his seat of power in neighbouring Georgia means a thaw in relations as the Pro-Russian Ivanishvili takes control. Radio Free Europe recently reported on the draft Russian ‘Strategy of State Nationalities’ policy, which includes for the consolidation of the North Caucasus republics under the control of Kadyrov, expanding his zone of control widely.
Very little free reporting comes out of Chechnya. Those who do are subject to threats, intimidation and death. The assassinations of Anna Politkovskaya and Natalia Estemirova have been closely linked to the Kadyrov regime. There are rumours of private torture prisons and detention centres. The activities of the Kadyrovtsi, armed gangs of men in silver Zhiguli cars are infamous. They reportedly carry out kidnappings and beatings of the ordinary civilian population to weed out rebels. The numbers of victims is hard to assess but it likely runs into the thousands.
In understanding how Kadyrov operates it is necessary to look at the Clan structure. Chechnya, like Afghanistan and Pakistan is ruled by networks of clan and feudal relationships. There is no history of any unified political structure and legislature, only religious fiefdoms and groupings regulated by Sharia law, armed struggle and blood feuds. Chechnya as a population has undergone a huge demographic change in only a decade. All the Russians have gone, over 400,000 of them, and as a result there is no old world style intelligentsia and no alternative model of leadership. There is only a top down clan structure of control and rule by fear of which Kadyrov is only mimicking.
Psychologically Chechnya sits outside our western norms and understanding. It is a place where people historically claim power in battle and strength is everything. The concept of political manoeuvring does not exist. There is a long standing street culture of survival the fittest. On a simple level consider Putin’s portrayal of himself regularly hunting and wrestling with bears and so on, this makes us laugh in the west, but it means something and strikes a chord with those in Russia. There is no doubt, so far, that Kadyrov is a survivor. His evil charisma both attracts and repels people at the same time, especially Chechen, and often the Russian, increasingly right wing violent youth.
There is also the fear of the past. The wars of the 90s were catastrophic claiming the lives of hundreds of thousands. Families, villages and towns were destroyed; the population starved and tried to survive for years without power, water and basic needs. The world was occupied in the Balkans and elsewhere and the Russians were often careful to report only what they wanted. The BBC’s current Middle East correspondent, Jeremy Bowen described Grozny as the most terrifying place he had ever seen. This is a man that has covered nearly every armed conflict since the late 80s. The early chapters of Asne Seierstad’s, The Angel of Grozny, Inside Chechnya is still, to this day, one of the most difficult books I have ever read. If you survived the Chechnya of 1991 onwards then today must feel like a walk in the park by comparison; there is money, adequate food, infrastructure and education for all (although women might well loose out on that front soon) and no daily massacres. To prevent a return to the bad old days it is perhaps better to submit to the rule of one. Despite his crimes against the people, Kadyrov probably stops short of full Warlord status. He seems, again by his own norms, to appreciate the need to build a state and provide and protect for its people.
The region is currently undergoing massive change, ‘From Terrorism to Tourism’ has been used as an actual slogan for change. The Football World Cup in 2018 and the Socchi Winter Olympics in 2014 are ensuring that billions of investment are reaching the region as well as creating massive numbers of jobs. Again the oil industry has made progress and attracts high revenues.
It is highly unlikely Kadyrov will live to see his 40th birthday. In all probability he does not realise this. He, like all powerful leaders of the past, seems assured of his own invincibility. It is likely though, that President Putin realises otherwise. There are still rebels, those who dislike Karydov’s relationship with Putin who would seek control Chechnya and drive for independence. There is also the drag racing of Lamborghinis, the mafia and the underworld. There is the rampant corruption which, in the words of Professor Russell, makes even Russians eyes water. Odds are one of these will claim him before long, and Chechnya with its rebels, military stocks and extremists could easily return to being ‘the most terrifying place on earth’.